Interview: War, Ceasefire, and Survival in Northern Syria

Interview was conducted by Corinna Bender, Head of Rosa Luxemburg-Stiftung Beirut Regional Office.

Amidst intensifying fighting in northern Syria, the future of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria remains uncertain. In this written interview, Lukas Hoffmann, a staff member at the administration's representative office in Germany, discusses the siege of Kobanê, the breakdown of political agreements, and the role of international actors.

1.  Lukas, I understand that you work for the Autonomous Administration in Germany. I can hardly imagine what it's like to be in survival mode, given that the Rojava project — and Kurdish life itself — is at stake. The situation in north-east Syria is dire. The situation within the Autonomous Administration appears chaotic: first, interim president al-Sharaa announced a deal, then intense fighting erupted, and Kobane was completely cut off from the outside world. Yet a ceasefire agreement has been announced. How stable is it?

Yes, you're right, the situation is dramatic. I'm very worried about my friends and colleagues who are there. I'm in contact with some of them, and my thoughts are with them all the time. The rulers in Damascus have declared war on the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria. This also means a war against ethnic and religious diversity in Syria. After the Alawites and Druze, now the Kurds are also to be silenced by force. The situation is very serious, especially for civilians. Over 170,000 people have already been displaced. Kurdish civilians are being killed, and many IS fighters have escaped from prisons. Islamist militiamen are committing terrible war crimes; they have cut off the braids of dead female fighters and are wearing them as trophies. The city of Kobane is facing a humanitarian catastrophe. 150,000 people are under siege. The people are cut off from electricity and water, and food and medicine are running out. Over the weekend, at least five children died of dehydration as a result of severe malnutrition, exacerbated by extreme cold. There can only be one answer: President al-Sharaa must withdraw his troops. 

2. Is there still hope for the Autonomous Administration? What could the different scenarios look like?

The question is whether there is still hope for Syria and its transition process. This is currently under discussion. Although Assad's fall was a great victory for the Syrian revolution, it came at a great cost. However, transitional president al-Sharaa does not want to fulfil the Syrian people's hopes for a life of democracy and dignity, as promised by the Arab Spring. Al-Sharaa has a completely different goal: he wants to rule Syria with an iron fist and establish an authoritarian country with a centralized state. The agreement between the AANES and Damascus on 10 March 2025 was the only political framework for a just and inclusive transition. Had it been implemented, it would have granted equal rights and political participation to all Syrians, as well as the right of return for internally displaced persons and rights for Kurds. It would also have opened up the possibility of decentralizing the Syrian state. However, this possibility is now under attack in North and East Syria, in Rojava.

3. To follow up on this question, is there a possibility for a just deal in which Kurdish demands are also taken into account?

There are still open channels of communication between the autonomous administration and Damascus, with the US and France involved. Dialogue is therefore still possible. But protecting the Kurdish areas in Syria is a red line. Last week, President al-Sharaa issued a lukewarm decree on the Kurdish question in Syria. That is not enough. Kurdish and other ethnic and religious groups need rights enshrined in the constitution. The Kurdish areas must be protected.

4. We need to discuss the role of the Autonomous Administration. Have there been strategic mistakes, such as relying too much on the U.S. or mismanaging relations with the Arab population in their territories, such as in Raqqa or Deir ez-Zor?

Of course, there are mistakes, as there are everywhere else. However, North and East Syria were the safest regions in Syria during the civil war. The AANES stands for women's freedom, multi-ethnic coexistence and diversity of ethnicity and religion. At a time when reactionary forces are gaining ever more power in the Middle East and worldwide, the AANES has given people hope. As mentioned above, this also applies to Syria — the 10 March agreement was the only concession al-Sharaa had to make after taking power. It is also important to emphasise that what is currently happening is not an ethnic conflict between Arabs and Kurds. The transitional government is exploiting its media power to try to portray this political conflict as an ethnic conflict. We must not allow ourselves to be drawn into this narrative. Over the weekend, 60 Syrian NGOs published an open letter calling for an end to the fighting against the Kurds. This demonstrates that many within Syrian civil society oppose al-Sharaa's actions against the Kurds.

5. What role does the international community, particularly Germany, play?

The fall of Assad has greatly changed the situation in Syria. The autonomous administration has appealed to the new rulers in Damascus to find a solution to Syria's unity. With US support, we have persuaded Damascus to engage in dialogue. Several agreements were reached, but Damascus never complied with their implementation, always delaying them. The autonomous administration is ready for serious integration. But the protection of the Kurdish areas and the protection of the Kurds in Syria is the red line. The transition process in Syria is on the verge of failure. German Foreign Minister Wadephul has promised to work for an inclusive transition process. Wadephul must keep this promise. International protection for the Kurdish areas is needed immediately. Even if the current governments have no interest in a project that is feminist, multi-ethnic, and ecological, the war against the Kurds is not in their interest. Europe can end this war by providing clear guarantees for the Kurdish areas in Syria. Civil society around the world must stand by the people in the Kurdish areas of Syria. These people have protected the world from the terror of ISIS. Now it is time to protect them.