In Iraq’s upcoming elections, both women and youth are poised to play a more influential role than ever before. As women build on recent political breakthroughs and young people push for change, the vote could reshape alliances and move the country beyond old divisions.
Two groups in Iraqi society are expected to speak up and assert themselves more than ever and possibly increase their roles in politics: women, through new laws and opportunities, and youth, whose growing numbers are pushing political parties to pay more attention to their concerns and needs.
Both groups will play a key role in the upcoming elections set for November 11, 2025. Women aim to maintain the progress they made in the last two elections, where some surpassed the quota system and made positive changes in society’s view of women in politics.
For the youth, new political forces and candidates could greatly influence and play a decisive role in shaping Iraq's future governance. According to a source from the Independent High Electoral Commission (IHEC) who spoke to KirkukNow, 17 million out of 29 million eligible voters are aged 18 to 35, making up about 65% of those who recently renewed their voter cards.
In the race for the next parliamentary elections, dozens of old and new political parties and coalitions will compete for 329 seats across 18 provinces. These include the Coalition for Reconstruction and Development, which is led by the current Prime Minister Mohammed Shia' al-Sudani, and the Halwest Movement (NSM), a coalition of former Kurdish lawmakers. The upcoming election may move past ethnic and sectarian rivalries, instead promoting competition within the Shia, Sunni, and Kurdish groups and potentially leading to new alliances.
According to the Independent High Electoral Commission (IHEC), a total of 159 electoral lists have been officially registered: 118 political parties, 25 coalitions, and 16 independent lists. In total, 343 groups are registered, with an additional 60 parties still in the process of formation.
Women on the Rise
Iraqi women continue to make notable advances in political representation and rise to senior political positions. The current electoral system reserves 83 out of 329 seats for women under the quota system; however, past elections have shown that women can win seats without relying on quotas.
In the 2021 elections, women secured 97 seats, 14 beyond the quota requirement, with 55 elected independently. In the 2023 provincial elections, 17 out of 76 winning women candidates were elected through popular vote, including three who received the highest vote counts. In Diyala Governorate, for instance, four women won via the quota, while two were elected outright.
About 14 million women, or nearly half (49%) of eligible voters, could have a significant impact this year. To support their participation, IHEC has created a women’s election support team to encourage women's involvement as both voters and candidates.
Almass Fazel of the PUK (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan) in Kirkuk believes political parties are increasingly nominating women to gain more seats. “We’re working to change the law so that women who win outside the quota are exempt,” she said. However, she also pointed out a downside: “While the quota protects women's political rights, it can also be limiting.”
Election watchdog expert Hogr Chato noted that quotas have encouraged coalition partners to nominate more women, thereby boosting their chances of winning seats.
Yet societal attitudes remain a challenge. “We live in a tribal society that restricts women’s executive roles,” said Amal Mar’i, head of the services department in the Salahaddin Provincial Council. She also called for a 25% quota in executive positions across the public sector.
The Youth as Game-Changers
With 17 million voters aged 18 to 35, Iraq is one of the youngest societies in the region. Political parties are placing greater focus on youth in their campaign agendas, recognizing their potential for driving change.
Ali Omar, a member of the Executive Commission of the Iraq's Higher Council for Youth, which operates under the supervision of the Iraqi Council of Ministers, confirmed that many coalitions are actively recruiting young leaders to engage this critical demographic. Out of the 21 million voters who updated their data, 13 million are under the age of 35.
IHEC data shows that while 7 million young voters abstained last time, that number has decreased to 4 million, an encouraging indicator of rising interest and increased engagement.
“If youth turnout increases, they could make up two-thirds of parliament,” said one IHEC official. For the first time, voters born in 2005 and 2006, nearly 1 million in total, will be eligible to vote.
Analyst Majash’a al-Tamimi noted that PM al-Sudani’s focus on achievements aims to attract younger voters, distinguishing him from traditional Shiite parties that rely on legacy support.
However, reaching youth in Sunni areas remains a challenge, warned Ihsan al-Shammari, a professor at the University of Baghdad and the Head of the Center for Political Thinking due to past failures in implementing programs. “It requires specific approaches,” he said.
For his part, Ali Omar emphasized job creation and skill development as top priorities. Political observer Ibrahim Sarraj cautioned that traditional Shiite parties fear potential electoral backlash from youth, especially in the south.
Despite recent political changes and ongoing challenges, Iraq is preparing for a new test of elections, posing a difficult task ahead for the Independent High Electoral Commission (IHEC).
While the IHEC continues its preparations for the anticipated elections, uncertainties persist, including Iraq’s ability to hold fair and transparent elections, ongoing tensions between Erbil and Baghdad, and broader developments in the region. Aside from these challenges, there appear to be no valid pretexts for delaying the elections.
Internal Shifts and Regional Winds
While ongoing divisions could be observed inside the Coordination Framework, which is the Shia coalition in the Iraqi parliament, new forces are trying to disrupt the existing order. Sunni politics have shifted from external conflicts with Shiite groups to internal battles over leadership and representation. The Kurds remain split, as the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) again failed to present a single unified list. Meanwhile, other Kurdish opposition political parties have so far also failed to form a coalition.
The election takes place amid significant regional changes, including the war on Gaza, developments in Syria, along with Iran’s declining influence and potentially the war between Iran and Israel, which could enable new actors to reshape governance in Iraq. For the first time, Iran’s power may be less dominant. This comes alongside ongoing tensions between the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the federal government in Baghdad, which have further deepened the economic crisis in the Kurdistan Region. The KRG continues to struggle with salary payments, while repeated drone attacks targeting oil fields in the region have added another layer of instability.
“One outcome of the rapid changes in the Middle East on Iraq’s future governance will be the rise of new forces, faces, and agendas,” said Dr. Ihsan al-Shammari.
The most significant absence may be that of the Sadr Movement, which won a majority of seats in the 2021 elections. Its withdrawal is likely to have a considerable effect on both allies and adversaries.
Shifting Coalitions and Rising Figures
Traditional Shiite parties, including Nouri al-Maliki’s State of Law, Hadi al-Amiri’s Fatah, and Haider al-Abadi’s Nasr, are under increasing pressure following Prime Minister Mohammed Shia’ al-Sudani’s formation of the Reconstruction and Development Coalition, which includes both Sunni and Shiite forces.
The focus of Prime Minister al-Sudani on development, youth, and peace among faiths, along with his broader coalition-building efforts, may allow him to surpass traditional centers of power, especially as paramilitary groups like Hashd al-Sha’abi may have their usual electoral influence diminished.
“The decline of Iran’s allies and its shrinking regional role have limited Tehran’s ability to influence Iraqi politics,” said political researcher Mashaji’ al-Tamimi.
Despite holding the current parliamentary majority, many Shiite parties closely linked to Iran have been unable to prevent al-Sudani from balancing Iraq’s relationships with the West, a strategy that experts believe will benefit his coalition.
On the Sunni side, leaders such as Mohamed al-Halbusi and Khamis al-Khanjar are facing increasing competition within their ranks, particularly from Sunni elements allied with al-Sudani and emerging groups in Nineveh, Diyala, and Salahaddin.
“Sunni forces that did not fulfill promises regarding Internally Displaced People (IDPs), reconstruction, and Sunni detainees will struggle to regain voter trust,” said al-Shammari. With at least six Sunni lists in play, internal fragmentation may lead voters to seek alternatives.
Kurdish Divides and Voter Disillusionment
The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) remain dominant in the Kurdistan Region, but they continue to clash, which is hindering the formation of a unified Kurdish list. Their ongoing media rivalry and political deadlock have hindered coalition efforts.
The Kurdistan Region’s two main ruling parties, the KDP and PUK, met in Erbil on July 14 to discuss forming a new cabinet and addressing ongoing disputes with Baghdad. Tensions with Baghdad have worsened following the suspension of budget transfers, leaving over a million public employees without salaries for the past three months. The federal government accuses the KRG of exceeding its budget share and failing to deliver the agreed-upon oil quantities.
“Discussions of a united Kurdish list will only happen once PUK and KDP resolve their cabinet disputes in Erbil,” said political commentator Mahmoud Othman. “But Kurdish influence in Baghdad is still largely defined by these two parties.”
Meanwhile, voter turnout has steadily decreased since the fall of the Ba’th regime, from 76% in 2005 to just 41% in 2021. Hazem al-Rudayni, the Deputy Head of the Strategic Centre for Human Rights in Iraq, attributes this decline to the public’s disillusionment with longstanding and familiar political figures.
Women and youth are not just voters in the 2025 elections; they are becoming active political players. Young candidates are joining new coalitions, while women are campaigning beyond party quotas and tribal boundaries. Political parties are responding, with many recruiting youth leaders and nominating more female candidates to broaden their appeal.
Their growing presence on the campaign trail signals a shift in Iraqi politics. If they sustain this momentum, women and youth could move from the margins to the centre of decision-making. The question now is whether traditional parties will open space for them, or whether a new political order will rise to claim it.