Interview with Ansar Jasim

On December 8, Syria experienced a political turning point of historic significance: after 54 years, the Al-Assad regime fell—unexpectedly and with minimal resistance or bloodshed. This has not only reshaped the power dynamics within Syria but has also fundamentally altered the geopolitical landscape of the region. The new administration under Haiʾat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), which played a key role in toppling Bashar al-Assad militarily, now faces the challenge of transforming Syria. 

But can this transformation succeed? Is it possible to build a Syria that represents all its citizens, establishes a civilian government, and lays the foundation for a more just future? And how can reconstruction occur in the face of such significant humanitarian and structural challenges?

Ansar Jasim, project manager at the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation working on Syria and Iraq and has worked until recently with the Syrian-German solidarity organization “Adopt a Revolution,” discusses these pressing questions with Corinna Bender, director of the RLS Regional Office in Beirut.

1. You are currently in Syria, witnessing the sense of renewal and optimism following the fall of the Assad regime and having lived in Syria yourself for several years, what emotions and changes have you noticed?

One of the prevalent feelings described to me was relief and disbelief. 

Several friends active in Syria's oppositional civil society under regime control describe how, for the first time since the 2011 revolution, they can sleep without fearing arrest—a fear once tied to walking the streets or a knock at the door. Then there is disbelief. The need to convince and assure oneself every day again that the regime fell is connected to the propaganda of the Assad family of being their “lil-abd” forever. There was a huge personal cult around the Assad family who even framed Syria as “Assad’s Syria,” which was, for instance, written at the border crossing. This ideology penetrated all parts of society. This is why it was so hard for some – although they were pleased about the fall- to believe that this really happened. In the weeks following the fall, Damascus saw an influx of activists from across the country, eager to witness firsthand the destroyed posters, toppled statues, and the undeniable signs in the capital that Assad's rule had truly ended. 

. However, this victory belongs to the Syrians, who have endured years of unimaginable oppression and hundreds of thousands sacrificed lives, for the freedom of the people of Syria. This is their triumph. As Leftists from the region, we stand in solidarity with their struggle and opposition to Assad’s regime, and in their victory, that gave us much hope for change. 

Deep down, I am afraid that this will be just an episode. We will remember it as one of the attempts when change “could have been possible.” We grew up with the narratives of possibilities. I want this to be remembered not as the narrative of “could have been” but as a founding narrative for democracy from below in the region.

Right now, the feeling of ownership is extremely strong. Activists travel from Rif-Aleppo, Homs, Hamah, Qamishlo, Raqqa, Deir Azzor, Salamiya, and Lattakia throughout the country to get to know the realities of other activists and organize small gatherings or larger discussion rounds. One of the first events I attended was organized by Kurdish journalists on the Kurdish question in Syria. Another event discussed the realities and struggles of women journalists and how they widened the discourse in the Hai’at Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS)  government and the Syrian National Army (SNA) areas. Generally, there is a feeling of hunger to hear the stories of people from other parts of the country and their revolutionary experiences. 

Another very impressive effort is the work in Aleppo and Damascus with people who have not been politically or socially active. To foster an informed and active society, activists from areas like Azaz in Rif-Aleppo—considered a hub of civil society activism in Syria since 2018—seek out organizers, intellectuals, and open-minded individuals to share their experience and knowledge of civil society work. Since 2018, after most opposition armed and civil groups signed reconciliation agreements and were forcibly displaced to the north, Aleppo and Damascus came fully under regime control. This means their experiences are absent, such as protesting against decisions by Turkish-imposed local councils in Rif-Aleppo or the dress codes enforced by HTS's Salvation Government. However, these experiences are exactly what is needed now to organize from below and check and balance what the interim government headed by Al-Sharaa is doing.

2. In Germany, there is a growing demand for Syrian refugees to return to Syria. Yet, the humanitarian situation in Syria remains catastrophic, with scarce resources, lack of infrastructure, and ongoing bombardments from Israel and Turkey—issues Germany has largely remained silent on. How would you describe the current living conditions in Syrian society?

There is a timely and geographical level to this question

First of all, geographically, the political economy of every region in Syria with a de-facto authority differed from one to another. Hence, there were at least four different political and economic systems. The regime-held areas, such as the autonomous self-administration for North and East Syria, used the Syrian pound as a primary currency. 

While simply possessing US dollars was punishable by imprisonment in regime-controlled areas, regions in Rif-Aleppo under Turkish occupation and HTS-controlled areas used the Turkish lira and US dollar as their main currencies.

Both areas witnessed economic growth in the last years, with many Turkish products imported and dominating the market. Food and energy prices had been relatively low in these areas. Meanwhile, the purchasing power of families in the regime-held areas shrunk more and more. A friend of mine described to me in 2020 how she would only buy single pieces of tomatoes and apples because she could not afford to buy kilos of any kind like other members of lower or lower-middle-class families. Since then, the situation has deteriorated. A taxi driver told me how after hours of waiting at the bakery, each family would only get four pieces of the flat Syrian pita bread. The regime-held areas hardly had electricity, diesel or benzin in the years before the fall of the regime. When the regime fell, diesel and gasoline suddenly flooded the market, which many saw as proof that the regime had created an artificial shortage. This reflects a policy of impoverishment used to control the population—keeping people focused on survival rather than organizing and demanding their rights. The situation has been quite different in Rif-Aleppo and Idlib: the most common heating material here is a Syrian invented heater that burns pistachio shells – a common crop in Idlib and Aleppo. HTS developed a pretty reliable electricity system with their own energy company called Green Energy. Solar panel-based systems are very common all over Idlib and Northern Aleppo. Solar panels existed in regime areas but were heavily taxed, making them unaffordable for most people.  Additionally, people in regime-controlled areas often had to pay heavy bribes to survive, with stories circulating about specific checkpoints extorting money to let people pass—or detaining and possibly disappearing them. Little has changed—just in a different form. The new interim administration’s approach is already taking shape. Despite not being their mandate, they cut bread subsidies, causing prices to quadruple. Bread is a staple of Syrian cuisine. Soon after, imports were allowed, flooding former regime-held areas with Turkish products. While people welcome higher-quality goods, unregulated imports could devastate Syria’s fragile agricultural sector, already weakened by war and displacement. Farmers in Idlib are returning to their fields, even if their homes remain unlivable. Agriculture is strategic for Syria, previously exploited by the regime through extractive policies. The East produced wheat, which was then transported to the coast for processing. Now, people demand a system that respects farmers' integrity and preserves national resources. These factors are crucial in maintaining social cohesion during the transition, preventing deeper divisions.

3. Syria’s civil society has been preparing for the regime’s fall for a long time. What is your impression of their role in the current transition? Are their voices being heard, particularly in initiatives like the National Dialogue Forum proposed by the caretaker government?

Under the Syrian regime, all parts of civil society have been under the regime’s control in one way or another, such as cultural institutions or worker’s unions. Since the beginning of the Syrian revolution in 2011, the development of a counter-civil society has taken place in the areas outside of the Syrian regime and, to a minimal extent, also in the regime-held areas in the last year. In Rif-Aleppo and Idlib, workers of the public sector like teachers and female agricultural workers were organized in unions independent from the de-facto rulers of their areas. Now, what we can witness is that these different structures try to form new forms of organization, and many of them have a straightforward approach to social justice. Students of the so-called Free Universities outside the regime-held areas have held a strike since the regime's fall. They demand that their universities, which are not internationally recognized but often offer better education, merge with official state universities and provide free education. While the universities under HTS's Salvation Government are private, this demand opposes that model. It is very unclear what will be the nature of this Conference of the Syrian National Dialogue. In all kinds of settings, Syrians discuss how they imagine this conference. They are not waiting for the caretaker government to invite them. When I was in the Southern province of Suwaida last week, on one panel, three different opinions were proposed, mirrored different political currents in Syrian society. While some propose that regional representatives from all Syrian provinces join the conference, others support a conference of technocrats, and others suggest that the conference should instead be an end goal. Instead, there should be local committees that hold discussions in every neighborhood over several months or even years before. Most agree that the idea of a national dialogue cannot be limited to a one-time conference event. These discussions are inspiring for leftist visions for the region and are happening in front of our eyes right now.

4. Recently, an EU delegation, including German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock and her French counterpart, visited Damascus, signaling a potential path toward normalizing relations between Syria and Europe. However, the EU outlined specific conditions, such as fostering an inclusive civil society, ensuring women’s rights, and addressing the past to achieve justice – demands also voiced by the Syrian civil society. Do you think these demands will be implemented, and how does Al-Sharaa, the head of HTS  and de-facto leader of Syria, respond to these demands?

So far, the de-facto leader of Syria primarily concentrates on assuming international legitimacy. While he met different diaspora delegations, local Syrian civil society was criticizing that they had not yet been invited to talk with him. This shows that people want to be part of this new reality and accept that Ahmad al-Sharaa is leading this new phase. I see two parallel approaches emerging within civil society. On the one hand, activists view Ahmad al-Sharaa’s desire for international recognition and economic support as a tactical opportunity to influence his agenda. At the same time, people are demanding inclusion, while recognizing that shaping politics is not limited to formal political channels. On the other hand, various groups are coming together to form new political platforms, such as the “Gathering of Democratic Syria,” which seeks to unite all democratic forces in Syria and build a grassroots democratic base in every city. I firmly believe, these forces represent the majority and have the potential to push for a democratic transition. However, we should also not be naïve; there are still many other Syrian and foreign interests in Syria that not only pose a threat to Ahmad al-Sharaa but also to the so-called New Syria- the democratic Syria people want to build. This is the dilemma this Syria had inherited from Assad´s Syria. In the south, for example, rebel leader Ahmad al-Awda, whose forces were integrated into the Syrian army's Fifth Brigade under a Syrian-Russian deal in 2018, might gain support from those who oppose both an Islamist-led Syria and a democratic Syria to avoid encouraging their own internal opposition. This scenario is not new to Syria. After the uprising of 2011, Syria became more militarized. The USA, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and sometimes single businessmen tried to influence the developments in Syria through conditional financing of armed groups. 

Another very serious issue is how to solve the Kurdish question. There cannot be a transitional phase in Syria without dealing with it. The foundational narrative of a New Syria—where Syrians overthrow the Ba'ath and Assad dictatorship to decide their own future—cannot endure if Turkish aggression causes further bloodshed and leads to the occupation of more Kurdish territory.

I wish for Syria that this transition is formed through a political process, from the streets, labor unions, feminist groups, journalists, and political parties in the parliament. The situation is still very fragile. From the perspective of international solidarity, we need to observe and listen very well now to those voices from the street and understand where we can support them tactically and strategically.

5. Research shows that political processes tend to be more sustainable when women are included. What is your impression of HTS in this regard? Do you believe women will have the opportunity to assume leadership positions and help shape Syria’s future?

Past political bodies of the Syrian opposition, such as the Syrian National Council or the interim government of the Syrian National Coalition, somewhat lacked women representation. At the same time, the list of female-led and feminist civil society organizations in Syria is very long. A few weeks ago, a Women's Affairs Office was created in response to public criticism over the absence of women in the new interim government. This reminded my friend Souad Al-Aswad, who runs a women’s center in the small Idlibi city of Salqeen (supported by Adopt a Revolution), of her experience during the revolution. Back then, when she sought election to the Local Council of her hometown, Kafr Nabul, they sidestepped her candidacy by creating a Women’s Affairs Office, effectively separating women’s issues from politics. This assembly has brought up the critique that civil society groups have widely echoed. On the 8^th of January 2025, only one month after the regime's fall, the Syrian Women's Political Movement held its first conference in Damascus. The movement was founded in 2017, and today, more than 170 women from all over Syria are organized in it, with 50 more membership demands since the conference. At the beginning of the conference, the women were dancing and singing “Kurdish women, Arab women, long live the Syrian woman!”. All of the members of the movement have extensive political experience, such as in the realm of grassroots civil society work or political parties such as the Communist Worker´s Party. I am confident that they will take their space and that the question of women in politics will become secondary, and the question of what kind of politics these women push for will become the relevant factor.

6. What role could Germany play in the reconstruction of Syria?

Some days ago in Suwaida, I joined a meeting of activists from Homs, Idlib, Damascus, and Suwaida. A 20-year-old representative of the Youth Political Movement told us that in their meetings with German representatives, they demanded an apology for not having done enough to support and protect Syrians. Since 2018, Germany has discussed which areas in Syria are supposedly safe enough for the deportation of Syrians, despite the fact that establishing safe zones seemed impossible at the time. The UN and the situation reports of the Federal Foreign Office of Germany, assessed that Syria is not safe, while German politicians still discussed since 2018 – after Assad managed to brutally regain control over all the areas of Rif-Homs, Daraa, and Damascus – to deport Syrians to Syria. While Germany at that time started to investigate against members of the Assad regime for crimes against humanity, the deportation would have meant a cooperation with the very same security institutions of Syria and the German state. Syrians do not want to be beggars who need the West to rebuild their country.

There is a huge awareness of the negative consequences of uncoordinated, donor-focussed aid to NGOs that happened over the past 13 years. There is a wish to coordinate democratically the reconstruction instead of having to follow the donors´ agenda to get money.

Where Germany can really help is to allow Syrians with asylum and protection status to visit Syria and return to Germany without losing their residency. As in the past years, remittances to Syria were essential for many Syrian families to survive inside the country. The diaspora should have the chance to be involved in the process of rebuilding Syria while recognizing that they are also a part of Germany. 

Syrians often say that before rebuilding their homes, they must first rebuild themselves—through meaningful social and psychological support, as well as fostering social peace. A not-yet-defined justice is part of this process. Therefore, Germany should continue to support the prosecution of members of the Syrian regime who managed to escape.  It should pressure Russia that Bashar al-Assad is handed over to the Syrian people to be pretty prosecuted in Syria. 

Germany can also help by stopping the application of discourse and politics of double standards. No occupation of Syrian soil is justified neither by Turkey nor Israel. Both states have previously caused mass displacement of Syrians, creating a significant challenge for building a New Syria. The annexed and newly occupied Golan is a region rich in agriculture and home to a diverse society, reflecting Syria’s mosaic of Arabs, Palestinians, Kurds, Chechens, Circassians, Turkmens, Christians, Alawites, Druze, and Murshidin. After Israel’s occupation in 1967 and annexation in 1981, many residents ended up in Damascus’ Al-Hajar Al-Aswad district, which was later almost completely destroyed by Syrian bombing. All Syrians should have the right to return to their homes in New Syria, yet Israel continues to seize more land and villages, turning them into militarized zones.

7. How can the German and international left contribute to developing a stable and inclusive Syria? What pitfalls should the Left avoid in this process?

There are many lessons to be taken from the way the international Left has dealt with Syria in the past 13 years. I want to share three of the most important ones: 

1. Listen to different Syrian voices, especially your Syrian comrades, learn from their language and views, and abstain from dehumanizing language (“Idlib is a terrorist enclave”). 

2.Allow yourself complexity. You can be involved in many different political projects in Syria. It is not a contradiction to support the Self-administration of North and East Syria and still recognize other structures in Syria as progressive. 

3. Do not ignore or discursively make Syrian civil society invisible again while condemning regressive forces in Syria (“The Islamists are coming”). 

Every day, dozens of discussions take place on what the state is, how to organize, how to rescue the Syrian economy, how to form a neighborhood committee, or how to strengthen farmers against Turkish imports. These discussions have the chance to materialize on the ground. This is an incredible historical chance for the Syrian and international Left to learn.